The Language Wound: The use of the mother tongue in education and experiences of Kurdish students", a study from the Political and Social Research Institute of Diyarybakır, suggests bilingual and multi-lingual education models and courses to support the literacy of Kurdish-speaking parents.
(source: Bianet)
"The Kurdish people are cut off from their right to use their mother tongue in education. This renders the protection and development of the ever dwindling Kurdish language impossible. At the same time, children with Kurdish as their mother tongue are disadvantaged in education and their success at school is influenced negatively. Moreover, social peace is being harmed". This is a summary of the reasons put forward by Dr Necdet İpekyüz, President of the Political and Social Research Institute of Diyarybakır (DİSA) for his research project entitled "The Language Wound: The use of the mother tongue in education and experiences of Kurdish students".
The research was presented in a meeting in Diyarbakır in the pre-dominantly Kurdish region of south-eastern Turkey last weekend. The workshop was lead by Şemsa Özar as the President of the Initiative for Women's Labour and Employment (KEİG) and organized by Assist. Prof. Vahap Coşkun from Dicle University (Diyarbakır), M. Şerif Derince from Sabancı University (Istanbul) and Assoc. Prof. Nesrin Uçaralar from Yeditepe University (Ist.). The study comprises five different sections under the headings "Nation-State, education and language", "The Turkish nation-state, education and language", "Mother tongue in education and experiences of Kurdish students", "Evaluation of field research findings and theoretical discussion" and "The right to education in the mother tongue - examples from other countries".
Problems revealed by personal stories
The study leans on education models from Corsican/France, the Basque language in Spain and the Uighur language in China to reveal similarities and differences. Recommendations The research project eventually emphasizes that the problem has to be tackled by the public, the state and non-governmental organizations. The report contains several suggestions to students, teachers and parents. Kurdish has to be used in education; this should include models for teacher training regarding bilingual and multi-lingual education. Courses should be provided for students and parents who know Kurdish on literacy in the language. The social and cultural recommendations furthermore focus on the use of the mother tongue in education, raising awareness for the right to bilingualism, broadcasting television productions that help students developing their Kurdish language skills and acquainting people with the necessity and the beauty of different dialects. (NM/EÖ/VK) "I was introduced to the Turkish language at primary school for the first time. I thought that the whole world would probably speak Kurdish. I had no idea about the existence of different languages" (Ahmet). "We just looked at our teacher. I tried to ask something but I did not manage. I had a friend and asked her to translate for me. Then I was able to ask when there was something I did not understand" (Rojhat). The project tells the story of 43 people from Diyarbakır, Ankara and Istanbul. Those were "Students starting school with Kurdish", "Teachers who know and do not know Kurdish" and "Parents who do not know Turkish". The main problems that emerged from the personal stories were lack of communication, starting with a handicap, failing class and dropping out of school, stigmatization, violence, waiting silently for the end of lesson, whistle-blowing, distinction between the city centre, suburbs and rural areas, the role of parents and displacement of language.Children start school and learn Turkish as well as how to write and read.The teacher teaches both Turkish and how to read and write. The teacher knows Kurdish but speaking the language is forbidden. The parents only know Kurdish, they cannot communicate with the teacher. For the Kurdish people, this is called "Kula ziman", the "language wound".
zondag 30 januari 2011
dinsdag 25 januari 2011
Ingnoring Rights in Turkey, and Its Cost to Everyone
Turkey has been focusing its energy on developing a dynamic foreign policy and promoting its impressive economic growth. The EU, for its part, has shown calculated indifference to Turkey's progress. But its attitude has little to do with rights abuse and everything to do with the political impasse over Cyprus and open hostility from Germany and France to Turkey ever becoming an EU member.
The commission, in the report released last week, did seek out signs of progress - notably the package of constitutional amendments approved in the September 12 referendum. But the report generally followed up acknowledgement of any progress on human rights with the proviso that reforms made had been "of limited scope". The commission also noted what it characterized as the "confrontational political climate" in Turkey and the slowdown in its reform agenda over several years.
Mostly the report offered a sombre reflection on all the areas where progress was lacking and on worrying trends. Among these were the huge number of prosecutions of journalists; disproportionate use of force by the police and their lack of accountability, given the huge backlog of ongoing judicial proceedings and lengthy pre-trial detention and the fact that over half Turkey's prison population are remand prisoners--including children.
The report also highlighted the "major challenges" of gender equality and combating violence against women, and the government's "restrictive" approach to minority rights issues, including lack of progress in solving the Kurdish issue, and widespread use of anti-terror laws against Kurds.
At the news conference to release the report, the European commissioner for enlargement and neighbourhood policy, Štefan Füle, expressed the concern that Turkey's accession process was "losing its momentum", and laid the blame on Turkey.
But if Turkey has been losing its momentum, so too has the EU. The EU member states that reneged on the commitment to keep Turkey on an accession track by repeatedly expressing their hostility to Turkey's possible EU membership must also bear responsibility for Turkey's coolness to being told to improve its record. And both sides have found it convenient to hide behind the Cyprus issue, which continues to stall negotiations across a range of areas needed for EU membership.
Prime Minister Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, in one interview, expressed frustration that in the face of its economic and foreign policy achievements Turkey had been kept waiting at the EU's door for so many years. In another he sent the message that the EU had more to gain from Turkey than Turkey did itself. President Abdullah Gül too indicated that the EU just hadn't offered Turkey enough.
Their comments underscore an oscillation between feeling slighted by the EU and feeling incredulous at their sense that the EU has failed to understand Turkey's growing importance as a significant foreign policy actor, respected by its neighbours west and east.
So, what is the way forward?
Turkey's aim to be a constructive foreign policy actor would be greatly reinforced by bold domestic reform, to strengthen and uphold the human rights of all its citizens, to solve the Kurdish issue, and to create a tolerant and rights-respecting society. Such moves on the domestic front can only increase Turkey's credibility on the international stage over the long term, and the citizens of Turkey deserve no less.
Hostile EU member states should for their part reassert a commitment to the accession negotiations. History has repeatedly shown that the real prospect of EU membership has transformative power.
Some in the EU understand what is at stake. Commissioner Füle noted last week: "By acting together, the EU and Turkey can strengthen energy security, address regional conflicts, and prevent cleavages developing along ethnic or religious lines."
Füle's remarks are a reminder that a Turkey that respects human rights and the rule of law is in everyone's interest. To continue with the reforms, to provide just implementation of those reforms in line with the Copenhagen political criteria and to remain committed to the accession process remains the best way to secure that outcome
The commission, in the report released last week, did seek out signs of progress - notably the package of constitutional amendments approved in the September 12 referendum. But the report generally followed up acknowledgement of any progress on human rights with the proviso that reforms made had been "of limited scope". The commission also noted what it characterized as the "confrontational political climate" in Turkey and the slowdown in its reform agenda over several years.
Mostly the report offered a sombre reflection on all the areas where progress was lacking and on worrying trends. Among these were the huge number of prosecutions of journalists; disproportionate use of force by the police and their lack of accountability, given the huge backlog of ongoing judicial proceedings and lengthy pre-trial detention and the fact that over half Turkey's prison population are remand prisoners--including children.
The report also highlighted the "major challenges" of gender equality and combating violence against women, and the government's "restrictive" approach to minority rights issues, including lack of progress in solving the Kurdish issue, and widespread use of anti-terror laws against Kurds.
At the news conference to release the report, the European commissioner for enlargement and neighbourhood policy, Štefan Füle, expressed the concern that Turkey's accession process was "losing its momentum", and laid the blame on Turkey.
But if Turkey has been losing its momentum, so too has the EU. The EU member states that reneged on the commitment to keep Turkey on an accession track by repeatedly expressing their hostility to Turkey's possible EU membership must also bear responsibility for Turkey's coolness to being told to improve its record. And both sides have found it convenient to hide behind the Cyprus issue, which continues to stall negotiations across a range of areas needed for EU membership.
Prime Minister Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, in one interview, expressed frustration that in the face of its economic and foreign policy achievements Turkey had been kept waiting at the EU's door for so many years. In another he sent the message that the EU had more to gain from Turkey than Turkey did itself. President Abdullah Gül too indicated that the EU just hadn't offered Turkey enough.
Their comments underscore an oscillation between feeling slighted by the EU and feeling incredulous at their sense that the EU has failed to understand Turkey's growing importance as a significant foreign policy actor, respected by its neighbours west and east.
So, what is the way forward?
Turkey's aim to be a constructive foreign policy actor would be greatly reinforced by bold domestic reform, to strengthen and uphold the human rights of all its citizens, to solve the Kurdish issue, and to create a tolerant and rights-respecting society. Such moves on the domestic front can only increase Turkey's credibility on the international stage over the long term, and the citizens of Turkey deserve no less.
Hostile EU member states should for their part reassert a commitment to the accession negotiations. History has repeatedly shown that the real prospect of EU membership has transformative power.
Some in the EU understand what is at stake. Commissioner Füle noted last week: "By acting together, the EU and Turkey can strengthen energy security, address regional conflicts, and prevent cleavages developing along ethnic or religious lines."
Füle's remarks are a reminder that a Turkey that respects human rights and the rule of law is in everyone's interest. To continue with the reforms, to provide just implementation of those reforms in line with the Copenhagen political criteria and to remain committed to the accession process remains the best way to secure that outcome
zondag 23 januari 2011
Demonstrating Children still Facing Prison Sentences
Lawyer and rights defender Akço draws attention to the persisting problem of children on trial even after their release from prison due to a legal amendment in 2010. Akço demands an amendment of Article 31 of the TCK to solve the situation.
The children who are being tried under the Anti-Terror Law (TMY) because they attended demonstrations have been pushed aside from the agenda after certain legal amendments and after the campaigns of rights advocators have finished. However, lawyer Seda Akço, working in the field of children rights for many years, thinks that the problem is still going on and that it will even grow further if the justice system for children will not be reformed.
Due to legal amendments enforced in July 2010, children are not prosecuted under the same conditions as adults as it had been practices between 2006 and 2010. At the same time, the Court of Appeals took an important decision regariding a person who attended a demonstration upon the call of an illegal organization without actually being a member of the organization shall be punished like a member of an illegal organization.
According to Akço, the basic problem still persists, which is the question "whether to punish the children for their reactions". She emphasized, "The crucial point is to provide opportunities for the children to express their reactions. Otherwise, students participating in a canteen boycott and issuing a press release are punished as well - of course the severity of the penalty is important, too".
Akço highlighted that the police that are confronted with the demonstrators first should accept the fact that they can demonstrate and also the idea that children might be among them. Demonstrations are being made illegal. If violence is involved - including children - the police has to consider the children as "being in danger" and they have to act for their protection. They need a plan to take them out of the scene so they do not get harmed.
If they have to be taken into custody, this should not happen at the place of the incident but as far as possible upon request. It is not the duty of the police but of the prosecutor to determine who is guilty or suspicious. If the prosecutor decides to launch an investigation, priority should be given to avoid a restriction of the children's freedom. If there is a possibility for judiciary control, this should be preferred to detention. If a trial is launched, priority should be given to freedom of expression and punishment should only be considered as a last resort.
Akço argued, "I think that all children are facing common problems once an event has entered the field of crime. Children are being discriminated because they are Kurds but this is not specific to them, Romans and homosexuals are being discriminated as well, for instance".
A pressing problem is Article 31 of the Turkish Criminal Code (TCK) (Minor Status). Akço criticized that judges have no other option but punishment for children who are aware of the legal significance and consequences of the offence.
In fact, the reason that drove the child to the commitment of an offence should be determined and precautionary applications should be imposed to remove that reason. Only if this is considered to be inefficient, the court should decree for punishment.
"If a child commits a theft because he is hungry, it should be prevented from staying hungry. Looking at it from a specific angle, a solution for the children who attend demonstrations would also be a solution of the Kurdish question".
The lawyer stressed that the judiciary will try to find their own solutions as long as the government does not take according steps. Due to a lack of alternatives, this solution means punishing the children, Akço emphasized.
"The release of children in detention was a relief, but we will see what is going to happen once the courts will establish their verdicts. (...) If the Prime Minister will make an announcement similar to the one in 2006 [What needs to be done will be done for women as well as children], detention houses will again be filled up with children. Therefore, I do not trust the amendment". (EÜ/VK)
Istanbul - BİA News Center
20 January 2011, Thursday
Due to legal amendments enforced in July 2010, children are not prosecuted under the same conditions as adults as it had been practices between 2006 and 2010. At the same time, the Court of Appeals took an important decision regariding a person who attended a demonstration upon the call of an illegal organization without actually being a member of the organization shall be punished like a member of an illegal organization.
According to Akço, the basic problem still persists, which is the question "whether to punish the children for their reactions". She emphasized, "The crucial point is to provide opportunities for the children to express their reactions. Otherwise, students participating in a canteen boycott and issuing a press release are punished as well - of course the severity of the penalty is important, too".
Children are not dangerous but in danger
So how should children who go to the streets to show their reactions be approached?Akço highlighted that the police that are confronted with the demonstrators first should accept the fact that they can demonstrate and also the idea that children might be among them. Demonstrations are being made illegal. If violence is involved - including children - the police has to consider the children as "being in danger" and they have to act for their protection. They need a plan to take them out of the scene so they do not get harmed.
If they have to be taken into custody, this should not happen at the place of the incident but as far as possible upon request. It is not the duty of the police but of the prosecutor to determine who is guilty or suspicious. If the prosecutor decides to launch an investigation, priority should be given to avoid a restriction of the children's freedom. If there is a possibility for judiciary control, this should be preferred to detention. If a trial is launched, priority should be given to freedom of expression and punishment should only be considered as a last resort.
Akço argued, "I think that all children are facing common problems once an event has entered the field of crime. Children are being discriminated because they are Kurds but this is not specific to them, Romans and homosexuals are being discriminated as well, for instance".
"Article 31 of the TCK has to be amended"
In Akço's opinion, the actual problem is to allocate resources to fulfil the legal obligations of the many applications and administrative regulations.A pressing problem is Article 31 of the Turkish Criminal Code (TCK) (Minor Status). Akço criticized that judges have no other option but punishment for children who are aware of the legal significance and consequences of the offence.
In fact, the reason that drove the child to the commitment of an offence should be determined and precautionary applications should be imposed to remove that reason. Only if this is considered to be inefficient, the court should decree for punishment.
"If a child commits a theft because he is hungry, it should be prevented from staying hungry. Looking at it from a specific angle, a solution for the children who attend demonstrations would also be a solution of the Kurdish question".
The lawyer stressed that the judiciary will try to find their own solutions as long as the government does not take according steps. Due to a lack of alternatives, this solution means punishing the children, Akço emphasized.
"I don't trust the amendment"
Akço furthermore indicated that the attitude of the police could be changed with an according approach of the administration."The release of children in detention was a relief, but we will see what is going to happen once the courts will establish their verdicts. (...) If the Prime Minister will make an announcement similar to the one in 2006 [What needs to be done will be done for women as well as children], detention houses will again be filled up with children. Therefore, I do not trust the amendment". (EÜ/VK)
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